Slain Iraqi novelist criticized foreign meddling, militias

Feb 6, 2019

Slain Iraqi novelist was a secular activist who criticized foreign meddling, Iran-backed militias

BAGHDAD — Iraqi novelist Alaa Mashzoub was a secular civil society activist who used his bike to get around Karbala's infamous traffic and road closures. He was also an outspoken critic of foreign interference in Iraq and political meddling by powerful Iran-backed militias.

On Saturday, Mashzoub was gunned down in the Shiite holy city by unknown assailants who silenced him with 13 bullets as he rode his bicycle home for the last time.

Mashzoub's killing was the latest in a spate of assassinations targeting prominent figures in Iraq, including several activists linked to the protest movement in the southern city of Basra as well as a former beauty queen and social media celebrity. The killings have raised fears of a return to the kind of attacks on prominent figures that plagued the country at the height of its sectarian strife.

"They killed us by killing Alaa, but we'll keep him alive through his pen," Qassim Mashzoub, Alaa's brother, told The Associated Press on Tuesday.

Iraq is still recovering from its bloody fight against the Islamic State group, and riots have repeatedly broken out in the south over the authorities' failure to provide basic services.

No group has claimed responsibility for killing Mashzoub or the other victims, but suspicion in some of the cases has fallen on Shiite militias, some of them backed by Iran, collectively known as the Popular Mobilization Forces.

On Wednesday, dozens of people including Mashzoub's colleagues staged a protest, marching to Tahrir Square in central Baghdad carrying pictures of him along with Iraqi flags. They called for the perpetrators to be arrest and severely punished. Outside the Writers' Union in Baghdad, around 100 intellectuals staged a sit-in, carrying black banners with Mashzoub's picture on it.

Alaa Mashzoub, 51, was father to three boys and a girl. He has 20 published books, including several novels and short story collections that won local and regional awards. He wrote extensively about Karbala's history and culture, and about Iraq's once-thriving Jewish minority.

"In his writings, he spoke out against corruption and criticized neighboring countries for their intervention in Iraqi affairs. Everyone knows Iran and Turkey are present in Iraq, this is not a secret," said his brother.

The U.S. Embassy in Iraq offered its condolences to Mashzoub's family and friends, calling it a "senseless act of violence."

While the motive for Mashzoub's killing is not known, Qassim Mashzoub and others on social media speculate that a Facebook post, in which Mashzoub spoke about the late supreme leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, may have been the trigger for his killing. In the posting, Mashzoub wrote about the street in Karbala where Khomeini lived for nearly 13 years before he traveled to France, criticizing the Iranian leader for then turning against the country that hosted him for so long.

"I expect that those who assassinated him are the militias who did not appreciate Alaa's writings," Qassim said. He added that a week before he died, Alaa told his family he felt he was being monitored and expressed concern that he would be killed.

On Saturday evening, Alaa Mashzoub attended an event at a local cultural center during which attendees were discussing the Iraqi soccer team's performance at Asian Cup games in the United Arab Emirates. Nawfal al-Hamadani, a member of the city's union of writers, said Alaa left early, saying he wanted to get home. He rode his bicycle and headed in that direction.

A short while later, he was intercepted by a gunman on a motorcycle who shot him at first from behind, knocking him from his bike. The gunmen then shot him 12 more times, killing him instantly, according to his brother.

The killing shocked many in Iraq and triggered criticism of security forces for failing to protect people. "We will uncover the perpetrators before the government does," Qassim said.

None of the assailants in last year's assassinations have been apprehended by security forces.

On Sept. 25, a gunman killed Soad al-Ali, a prominent activist in Basra who had organized protests demanding better services and jobs and decried the growing influence of Iran-backed Shiite militias in the area. Former beauty queen and social media star Tara Fares, 22, was murdered a few days later — shot and killed at the wheel of her car on a busy Baghdad street during the day. Two well-known female beauty experts were also killed last year.

The militias were integral to Iraq's war against the Islamic State group in the past few years, but with the war declared won late last year, attention has turned to Iraq's high unemployment and decaying infrastructure. Many now resent the militias for what they see as rampant corruption and meddling.

On Sunday, Mashzoub's coffin, draped in an Iraqi flag, was carried by colleagues along a main road in Karbala, amid calls of Allahu Akbar, or God is Greatest.

"The cultural scene has lost one of its special authors and creators," Iraq's Culture and Tourism Minister Abdul Amir al-Hamdani said in a statement on Sunday.

PEN America said Monday that the assassination of Mashzoub is a "horrific attack on creative expression in Iraq."

"Holding the perpetrators of this heinous crime accountable is of paramount importance in preserving freedom of expression and a vibrant cultural and civic life in Iraq," it said in a statement.

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Democrats have big healthcare plans. The industry is preparing for a fight.

Oct 29, 2026

Democrats have big healthcare plans. The industry is preparing for a fight.

Protesters in Minnesota advocate for universal healthcare. | David Berding/Getty Images for People's Action Institute Americans want changes to their healthcare, and the candidates in this year’s midterms are making bold promises about how they are going to improve it: Medicare-for-all, or a public health insurance option, or free primary care for everyone. If Democrats win big this year, they could build up momentum to control Congress and the White House in 2029, which could leave them well-positioned to take on the thorny problem of how to fix the US health system. History suggests that this won’t be easy. For every Affordable Care Act, you have the failed attempt to repeal it or the calamity of the Clinton-era healthcare initiative. Americans want change — but they fear it, too. I’ve spent years reading healthcare polls, talking to voters, attending focus groups. The public’s opinion of the healthcare industry has grown more and more sour, and distrust of the medical establishment is at an all-time high. People are sick of having a broken health system, but they worry that big changes could end up being bad for them.  Even though a meaningful attempt at reform is still years away and universal health care in any form might seem like a progressive pipe dream, the industry is not sitting idly by.  As Democrats have started to roll out policy proposals in anticipation of winning back Congress, the industry has been there to start making its case. In some campaigns, that means backing Republicans, but it also means lobbying Democratic Party leaders to hold the line against their more progressive members who want to push for far-reaching changes.  The question now is: Will their old playbook work? Can the industry convince Democrats to scale back their policy ambitions, or is their grip on Congress loosening? “The next two years are actually quite pivotal, for doing the groundwork and all the necessary socializing, consensus-building,” said Kim Monk, a former congressional healthcare staffer who co-founded the private-sector research firm Capital Alpha Partners. “That’s the work that gets you to a point where either party decides, okay, this will be on our platform — or not.” That will be the tug-of-war of the next two years: a PR battle waged between health companies with hundreds of millions of dollars at their disposal on one side and progressive lawmakers, activists, and patient advocates on the other that will ultimately determine what’s possible in the next phase of American healthcare. The healthcare industry doesn’t want Democrats to win too big In the short term, the industry is hedging its bets in the face of a Democratic wave.  Private enterprise has historically backed the Republican Party, but that’s starting to shift. What the healthcare industry values above all else is balance. Democrats operating without any constraints are more likely to impose government regulations on medical companies. But full GOP control comes with its own risks, like the $1 trillion in Medicaid cuts passed as part of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which has already led to clinics and hospitals laying off staff or even closing facilities altogether. Sign up for the Good Medicine newsletter Our political wellness landscape has shifted: new leaders, shady science, contradictory advice, broken trust, and overwhelming systems. How is anyone supposed to make sense of it all? Vox’s senior correspondent Dylan Scott has been on the health beat for a long time, and every week, he’ll wade into sticky debates, answer fair questions, and contextualize what’s happening in American health care policy. Sign up here. “At least for the short term, I imagine the healthcare industry would welcome control of Congress by Democrats, creating more predictability, forestalling more cuts in Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act, and potentially reversing or delaying some of the cuts that have already been made,” said Larry Levitt, executive vice president for health policy at KFF. “The longer-term political calculus for the healthcare industry is more complicated. Many Democrats are pushing for a bigger role for government in health care.” In other words, while healthcare companies might welcome a Democratic House as a check on President Donald Trump’s unpredictability, they aren’t necessarily hoping for a massive blue wave that could make significant reforms a serious possibility if Democrats were to win the White House in 2028.  The industry’s MO when it looks like a wave election is brewing is to balance the scales: I reported in 2016 how, in what was looking like a good year for Democrats, the drug industry poured money into the campaigns of Republican candidates by a 6-to-1 margin in competitive races, hoping to stifle the agenda of presumed President Hillary Clinton. (Of course they, like the rest of us, are still susceptible to being wrong.) And that’s how the industry has been approaching the 2026 election: In many of the pivotal House and Senate races, they are backing the GOP.  As healthcare journalist Merrill Goozner reported last week, the American Hospital Association PAC and PhRMA, a drug industry trade group, have given a combined $14,500 to Republican incumbent Jon Husted and none to his Democratic challenger Sherrod Brown in the historically expensive Ohio Senate race. In Maine, Republican Sen. Susan Collins has received donations from all of the major healthcare trade groups — hospitals, pharma, insurers, and doctors — while her opponent, Democrat Troy Jackson, got none. (He also has sworn off corporate PAC money.) Even in an open race without an incumbent, like the Iowa Senate campaign, the Republican candidate has scored donations from hospitals and pharma, but the Democrat has not, Goozner reported. If Democrats take the House but not the Senate, that would immediately put a damper on their healthcare reform plans — whereas winning a Senate majority would allow them to start drafting and debating bills in both chambers with an eye toward what could actually pass if they win in 2028 too. “If there is actually a blue tsunami next week and Democrats get 51-plus [members] in the Senate, that’s a really big deal,” Monk said. “You can’t just say this doesn’t matter because Trump’s going to veto it, because I think it very much becomes a 2028 issue.” And even as they work to push the next Congress more to their ideological liking, the healthcare industry is preparing for the fight that comes after. The industry is prepping its counterattacks on ambitious healthcare proposals After the midterms wrap up, the next two years in Congress and on the presidential campaign trail will be crucial. The industry is already working to set the terms of the debate and push back against big changes. Each subset of the industry has its own versions of this argument: Pharma warns that price controls could stifle innovation, insurers warn that coverage mandates will increase premiums, hospitals warn that constraints on their funding could lead to closures and job losses. (There’s a well-known saying among DC insiders that every congressional district has a hospital, making every member potentially susceptible to the industry’s message that new healthcare legislation could result in their own constituents losing their jobs.) They’ve started by trying to discredit the more sweeping health policy proposals before new members ever arrive in Washington, DC. In Texas, for instance, Republican groups have leaned on an industry-commissioned study to attack Democratic Senate candidate James Talarico for supporting Medicare-for-all, warning that it would lead to cuts for rural hospitals — at least according to an analysis produced by the Partnership for America’s Future, a coalition of industry groups that exists explicitly to oppose Medicare-for-all or a public option. They ran a similar ad against Democrat Janelle Stelson, who’s trying to topple incumbent Rep. Scott Perry in Pennsylvania.  The industry is trying to plant the idea in voters’ minds that these big, bold proposals may sound superficially appealing, but carry significant risks: You could lose your plan, you could lose your doctor, you could pay higher taxes. (And they often have their own studies to back those arguments, like the one cited in this year’s campaign, to counter the evidence offered by advocates in support of reform.) And it might work exactly like it has in the past. As John McDonough, a former congressional healthcare staffer and author of America’s Wrong Turn: US Health Care in the Neoliberal Era, put it to me, the history is clear: “Every comprehensive effort, defeat, and every incremental effort succeeds.” That is in part because of the healthcare industry’s influence and its success in framing the debate. On top of trying to sway the competitive races, the industry is also trying to keep its most important allies within both parties happy ahead of the midterms. As the Center for Health and Democracy’s data shows, the health insurance industry PACs alone have given tens of thousands of dollars to Democratic and Republican leaders, as well as senior members of the healthcare-focused House and Senate committees. It’s another hedge, an attempt to keep the members who will decide what’s on the agenda next year on their side. The industry supports reversing the GOP’s massive Medicaid cuts and increasing funding for the ACA marketplaces, two top-priority items for Democrats if they win Congress in the midterms. But they are hoping the party’s leaders will steer their members away from some of their more radical ideas for overhauling healthcare. Because while individual sectors within healthcare may squabble over smaller-scale reforms, the entire industry is united against plans to fundamentally change the US health system. (They are also increasingly owned by the same parent company, as consolidation in the medical sector becomes more and more common.) “The healthcare industry is al

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